News and Facts about Cuba

Country Reports on Human Rights Practices 2005


Country Reports on Human Rights Practices – 2005
Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
March 8, 2006

Cuba, with a population of 11 million, is a totalitarian state led by a
, Fidel Castro, whose regime controls all aspects of life
through the Communist Party (CP) and its affiliated mass organizations,
the government bureaucracy, and the state security apparatus. Although
civilian authorities generally maintained effective control of the
security forces, the Ministry of Interior is the principal instrument of
state security and control, and officers of the Revolutionary Armed
Forces, which are led by the president’s brother, have occupied most key
positions in the ministry during the past 15 years.

The government’s human rights record remained poor, and the government
continued to commit numerous, serious abuses. At least 333 Cuban
political prisoners and detainees were held at year’s end. The following
human rights problems were reported:

* denial of citizens’ rights to change their government
* beatings and abuse of detainees and prisoners, including human
rights activists, carried out with impunity
* transfers of mentally healthy prisoners to psychiatric facilities
for political reasons
* frequent harassment of political opponents by
government-recruited mobs
* extremely harsh and life-threatening prison conditions, including
denial of medical care
* arbitrary arrest and detention of human rights advocates and
members of independent professional organizations
* denial of fair trial, particularly to political prisoners
* interference with privacy, including pervasive monitoring of
private communications
* severe limitations on and press
* denial of peaceful assembly and association
* restrictions on freedom of movement, including selective denial
of exit permits to thousands of citizens
* refusal to recognize domestic human rights groups or to permit
them to function legally
* domestic , underage prostitution, and sex tourism
* discrimination against persons of African descent
* severe restrictions on worker rights, including the right to form
independent unions


Section 1 Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:

a. Arbitrary or Unlawful Deprivation of Life

There were no reports that the government or its agents committed
arbitrary or unlawful killings. However, the Cuba Archive human rights
project noted in November that foul play was likely in many prison
deaths recorded as “heart attacks.”

b. Disppearance

There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.

c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment

The law prohibits abusive treatment of detainees and prisoners; however,
members of the security forces sometimes beat and otherwise abused human
rights advocates, detainees, and prisoners, particularly political
prisoners, and did so with impunity.

Authorities often subjected detainees and prisoners to repeated,
vigorous interrogations designed to coerce them into signing
incriminating statements or to force their collaboration with
authorities. Some endured physical and sexual abuse, typically by other
inmates with the acquiescence of guards, or long periods in isolation or
punishment cells.

On February 19, a “reeducation specialist” forced political
Fidel Garcia Roldan into a cell, pushed him against the wall, then hit
him repeatedly in the head.

On March 2, Juan Carlos Herrera Acosta, a prisoner at Kilo 8 prison in
Camaguey, was handcuffed and dragged more than 120 feet across the floor
of the prison; he suffered severe cuts and abrasions. As of that date,
Herrera Acosta had not been exposed to sunlight for more than one year.

Throughout March and April, authorities subjected political prisoner
Jose Daniel Ferrer Garcia to deafeningly loud music and noise from a
speaker placed by the guards at the entrance to his cell from the early
morning until late each night; as of April 28, he had been denied
exposure to sunlight for seven months.

In August a prison guard beat dissident Arnaldo Ramos Lauzurique. On
September 26, a guard at Camaguey’s Kilo 8 prison punched and broke the
nose of political prisoner Lamberto Hernandez Plana, following his
refusal to stand for a lineup of inmates. The government knowingly sent
mentally healthy prisoners to psychiatric hospitals or the psychiatric
ward of a prison hospital. For most of the year, Dr. Luis Milan
Fernandez, a political prisoner with no known mental ailment, was held
at the psychiatric ward of the Boniato prison in Santiago. Dr. Milan was
forced to share a cell with prisoners suffering from severe mental
illness. In February the government regained custody of academic Orlando
Vallin Diaz, who had escaped from a psychiatric hospital months earlier.
Vallin had been sent to the hospital after serving approximately three
months in prison for alleged drug trafficking; family members denied
that Vallin had ever been involved with drugs or shown any sign of
mental illness.

The government continued to subject persons who disagreed with it to
“acts of repudiation.” At government instigation members of
state-controlled mass organizations, fellow workers, or neighbors of
victims staged public protests against those who dissented from the
government’s policies by shouting obscenities and causing damage to the
homes and property of those targeted. Physical attacks on victims or
their family members sometimes occurred. Police and State Security
agents often were present but took no action to prevent or end the
attacks. Those who refused to participate in these actions faced
disciplinary action, including loss of employment.

Prison and Detention Center Conditions

Prison conditions continued to be harsh and life threatening. Conditions
in detention facilities also were harsh. Prison authorities frequently
beat, neglected, isolated, and denied medical treatment to detainees and
prisoners, particularly those convicted of political crimes or those who
persisted in expressing their views. Authorities also often denied
family visitation, adequate nutrition, exposure to natural light, pay
for work, and the right to petition the prison director.

Prisoners sometimes were held in “punishment cells,” which usually were
located in the basement of a prison, with continuous semi-dark
conditions, no available water, and only a hole for a toilet. Reading
materials, including Bibles, were not allowed. Prison officials
regularly denied prisoners other rights, such as the right to
correspondence. Some prison directors routinely denied religious workers
access to detainees and prisoners.

In November the Cuban Commission for Human Rights and National
Reconciliation denounced the worsening of dozens of political
prisoners, stating that more prisoners suffered from dangerous diseases
due to the “generally subhuman and degrading conditions” in which they
were held.

Power and water cuts were frequent at prisons, and inmates often
suffered from extreme heat. At Havana’s Combinado Del Este prison,
disturbances were reported after allegations surfaced that prison
authorities sold gas for personal profit.

Victor Rolando Arroyo, an independent journalist serving a 26-year
prison term, described his cell in Guantanamo provincial prison as a
space approximately 11 feet by 34 feet, where 34 people slept on
three-tiered bunks. The cell was dimly lit; there were no cleaning
supplies; and water, which flowed sporadically, had a disagreeable
color, odor, and taste.

The government regularly failed to provide adequate nutrition and
medical attention; according to Human Rights Watch (HRW), prisoners
typically lose weight during incarceration. Pedro Pablo Pulido Ortega
stated that he and other prisoners at Guamajal prison in Santa Clara
received only cornmeal for lunch and one small portion of potatoes for

Blas Giraldo Reyes Rodrigues experienced medical
problems for two months before authorities on May 3 transferred him to
an infirmary where tests indicated he had been suffering from an infection.

On August 2, Bertha Pernet reported that authorities at Kilo 7
prison in Camaguey Province retaliated against her brother, Jorge Luis
Garcia Perez, who had criticized prison conditions, by denying him
medication for a respiratory condition.

There were occasional reports of prisoners dying as a result of violence
by fellow prisoners, but no statistics were available. On April 4,
Freddy Ibanez Blanco died from burns suffered in a prison uprising at
Havana’s Combinado del Este prison.

There were also occasional reports of suicide attempts by prisoners, but
no statistics were available. In November political prisoner Mario
Enrique Mayo twice attempted suicide.

Human rights activists alleged that prison authorities used “thugs”
within the general prison population to harass political prisoners.

Sexual assault occurred at men’s prisons, but the government did not
disclose such incidents. In July an inmate at Aquadores prison beat and
raped Orlando Rodriguez Salazar, who was denied medical attention except
for a sedative.

Although officials sought to separate the juvenile and adult prisoners,
juveniles sometimes were held in the same facilities as adults. Although
pretrial detainees generally were held separately from convicted
prisoners, some long-term detainees, including political detainees, were
held with convicted prisoners.

The government did not permit independent monitoring of prison
conditions by international or national human rights groups. The
government has denied prison visits by the International Committee of
the Red Cross since 1989.

d. Arbitrary Arrest or Detention

Although prohibited by law, arbitrary arrest and detention were abuses
effectively and commonly used by the government to harass opponents.

Role of the Police and Security Apparatus

The Ministry of the Interior exercises control over police and internal
security forces. The National Revolutionary Police (PNR) is the primary
law enforcement organization and generally was effective in
investigating common crimes. Specialized units of the Ministry of the
Interior are responsible for monitoring, infiltrating, and suppressing
opposition political groups. The PNR plays a supporting role by carrying
out house searches and providing interrogation facilities for State
Security agents. There were reports in both the independent and official
press of corruption within the security forces.

Members of the security forces acted with impunity in committing
numerous, serious human rights abuses. While the PNR ethics code and
Interior Ministry regulations ban police brutality, the government did
not announce any investigations into police misconduct during the year.

Arrest and Detention

The police have broad detention powers, which they may exercise without
a warrant. Under the law, police can detain without a warrant not only
persons caught in the act, but someone merely accused of a crime against
state security. The law requires police to file formal charges and
either release a detainee or bring the case before a prosecutor within
96 hours of arrest; it also requires authorities to provide suspects
with access to a lawyer within 7 days of arrest.

In practice the law was not respected. At least 39 political detainees
were held at year’s end without formal charges. Among them was Maximo
Pradera Valdez, arrested in 2001 and still held without formal charge at
year’s end. On May 13, authorities in Havana detained six human rights
activists, including Rene Montes de Oca Martija and Lazaro Alonso Roman,
in connection with a peaceful demonstration; at year’s end several of
the activists remained in detention, and no formal charges had been
brought. On June 22, police in Havana took into detention nine human
rights activists, including Rene Gomez Manzano, Julio Cesar Lopez
Rodriguez, and Jesus Alberto Reyes Sanchez, in connection with a
peaceful demonstration; at year’s end all remained in detention, and
none had been charged.

Bail was available, although typically not in cases involving
antigovernment activity. Time in detention before trial counted toward
time served if convicted. The government denied prisoners and detainees
prompt access to family members.

The law provides that all legally recognized civil liberties may be
denied to anyone who actively opposes the decision of the people to
build socialism. The authorities routinely invoked this authority to
deny due process to persons detained on purported state security
grounds. The authorities routinely engaged in arbitrary arrest and
detention of human rights advocates. Police frequently lacked warrants
when carrying out arrests or issued warrants themselves at the time of
arrest. Authorities sometimes employed false charges of common crimes to
arrest political opponents and often did not inform detainees of the
charges against them. The authorities continued to detain human rights
activists and independent journalists for short periods, including house
arrest, often to prevent them from attending or participating in events
related to human rights issues (see sections 2.a. and 2.b.).

The Penal Code includes the concept of “potential dangerousness,”
defined as the “special proclivity of a person to commit crimes,
demonstrated by his conduct in manifest contradiction of socialist
norms.” If the police decide that a person exhibits signs of
dangerousness, they may bring the offender before a court or subject him
to therapy or political reeducation. Government authorities regularly
threatened prosecution under this provision.

During the year authorities arrested at least 53 persons for democratic
or political activity; at year’s end all remained in custody, and 18 of
them were still awaiting trial. At year’s end there were at least 39
political detainees awaiting trial, of whom 18 were detained during the

On April 27, the government convicted the remaining 23 citizens who had
been detained since 2002 for breaking into the Mexican Embassy and
requesting asylum. The individuals were sentenced to prison terms
ranging from 4 to 18 years.

On July 12, the government arrested several members of the Las Marianas
opposition group as they prepared to undertake a six-day hunger strike
to compel the government to release non-violent dissidents from prison.

The government did not permit access to political detainees by
international humanitarian organizations.

Authorities sometimes detained independent journalists to question them
about contacts with foreigners or to prevent them from covering
sensitive issues or criticizing the government (see section 2.a.). After
months of detention, the government often released activists without

e. Denial of Fair Public Trial

While the constitution provides for independent courts, it explicitly
subordinates them to the National Assembly of People’s Power (ANPP) and
the Council of State. The ANPP and its lower level counterparts choose
all judges. Thus, in practice the CP influenced the courts.

Civilian courts existed at the municipal, provincial, and appellate
levels. Panels composed of professionally certified and lay judges
presided over them.

Trial Procedures

The courts undermined the right to a fair trial by restricting the right
to a defense and often failed to observe the due process rights
nominally available to defendants. While most trials were public, trials
were closed when there were alleged violations of state security. Almost
all cases were tried in less than one day; there were no jury trials.
The law provides the accused with the right to an attorney and, except
in cases involving state security, the right to consult an attorney in a
timely manner, but many defendants met their attorney only minutes
before the start of their trial.

Moreover, the government’s control over members of the lawyers’
collectives compromised their ability to represent clients, especially
those accused of state security crimes.

Criteria for presenting evidence, especially in cases involving human
rights advocates, were arbitrary and discriminatory. Often the sole
evidence provided, particularly in political cases, was the defendant’s
confession, usually obtained under duress and without the legal advice
or knowledge of a defense lawyer. A defendant’s right to present
witnesses was only arbitrarily observed.

Prosecutors may introduce testimony from a member of the
neighborhood-based Committee for the Defense of the Revolution (CDR)
about the revolutionary background of a defendant, which may contribute
to a longer or shorter sentence. The law presumes the innocence of the
accused, but the authorities often ignored this right in practice. The
law recognizes the right of appeal in municipal courts but limits it in
provincial courts to cases involving maximum prison terms or the death
penalty. Appeals in capital cases are automatic. The Council of State
ultimately must affirm capital punishment.

On August 9, independent journalist Lamasiel Gutierrez was tried for
“dangerousness” and sentenced to seven months of house arrest. During
her trial, 25 uniformed personnel filled the courtroom. She was denied
the right to speak on her own behalf during the proceedings, and was not
allowed to consult with counsel.

On July 22, Rene Gomez Manzano, one of the leaders of the Assembly for
the Promotion of Civil Society, was arrested and jailed indefinitely.
The government refused the request of Manzano, who is an attorney by
profession, to represent himself and insisted that he accept another

Military tribunals, which are governed by a special law, assumed
jurisdiction for certain “counterrevolutionary” cases. The military
tribunals tried civilians if a member of the military was involved with
civilians in a crime. In these tribunals, there was a right to appeal,
access to counsel, and the charges were made known to the defendant.

Political Prisoners

The Cuban Commission for Human Rights stated that the government held,
in addition to political detainees, at least 294 political prisoners at
year’s end; 45 of them were convicted of terrorism and 33 of
“dangerousness.” The authorities incarcerated persons for such offenses
as disrespect of the head of state (Fermin Scull Zulueta, three years),
disrespect and scorn of patriotic symbols (Antonio Velazquez Hernandez,
two years), public disorder (Orlando Zapata Tamayo, three years), and
attempt to leave the country illegally (Osolanis San Miguel Rodriguez,
three years). Other charges included disseminating enemy propaganda,
illicit association, clandestine printing, or the broad charge of
rebellion, which often was brought against advocates of peaceful
democratic change. Between two thousand and five thousand teenagers were
serving sentences for the crime of “potential dangerousness, with
sentences ranging up to five years’ imprisonment.

At year’s end 60 of the 75 peaceful human rights activists, journalists,
and opposition political figures arrested and convicted in 2003, mostly
on charges of violating national security and aiding a foreign power,
remained in prison.

Political prisoners often were held at facilities hundreds of miles from
their families, making family visits more difficult. Prison conditions
prompted some political prisoners to carry out lengthy hunger strikes.
On October 5, dissidents Victor Arroyo and Felix Navarro ended their
hunger strikes at the penal ward of a Guantanamo hospital prison after
24 days and 18 days, respectively. They were protesting actions of a
“re-educator” who had seriously injured Arroyo’s leg. Prison staff and
inmates (at the instigation of prison staff) often targeted political
prisoners for abuse (see section 1.c.). Political prisoners, such as
independent journalist Fabio Prieto Llorente and Diosdado Gonzales
Marrero, were held among the general prison population. Conversely,
political prisoner Adolfo Fernandez, although held with the general
population, reported that he was prevented from interacting with other
prisoners in the cafeteria and forced to eat all meals alone in his
cell. Some political prisoners preferred to stay in their cells to avoid
contact with prison guards. In November, following three hunger strikes,
political prisoner and attorney Mario Enrique Mayo, serving a 20-year
sentence in Holguin, carved “innocent” and “liberty” into his body. The
government released Mayo on December 1.

The government continued to deny human rights organizations and the
International Committee of the Red Cross access to political prisoners.
Authorities denied visits to families of political prisoners while they
were held in “punishment cells.” Prisoners in punishment cells had no
access to lawyers.

f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence

While the constitution provides for the inviolability of a citizen’s
home and correspondence, official surveillance of private and family
affairs by government-controlled organizations, such as the CDRs,
remained pervasive. The government employed physical and electronic
surveillance against nonviolent political opponents. The state assumed
the right to interfere in the lives of citizens, even those who did not
actively oppose the government and its practices. The authorities
employed a wide range of social controls to discover and discourage

The Ministry of Interior employed a system of informants and the CDR
block committees to monitor and control public opinion. While less
capable than in the past, CDRs continued to report on suspicious
activity, including: conspicuous consumption; unauthorized meetings,
including those with foreigners; and defiant attitudes toward the
government and the revolution.

Between January and March, CDR members harassed Havana resident Noemi
Arias Noe and her husband and teenage son following their unsuccessful
attempt to flee the country. CDR members left a threatening sign on
their door and pounded on the family’s front door; Arias said neighbors
broke down a common door to intimidate the family. Arias and her husband
received more than 10 police citations related to their attempted
migration and were obliged to appear before the local police chief twice

Authorities occasionally threatened parents with the loss of custody of
their children for taking part in “counterrevolutionary” activities. On
August 19, a police officer visited the Havana home of Carla Vismari
Santa Leon, a pro-democracy activist, and warned her mother that Carla
and her activist husband could lose custody of their two-year-old son
unless they halted their activities.

The government controlled all access to the Internet and took steps to
censor all electronic mail, disallowing any attachments (see section
2.a.). State Security often read international correspondence and
monitored overseas telephone calls and conversations with foreigners.
The government also monitored domestic phone calls and correspondence
and sometimes denied telephone service to dissidents. State Security
agents subjected journalists to harassment and surveillance, including
electronic surveillance and surreptitious entry into their homes (see
section 2.a.).

In March Lourdes Esquivel Vieyto reported that prison officials refused
to give her letters written by her imprisoned husband during February.

There were numerous credible reports of forced evictions of squatters
and residents who lacked official permission to reside in Havana and
other major cities. On March 11, officials informed Barbaro Sanchez and
two of his neighbors that they had to abandon their residences in
Santiago de Cuba the next day. On March 12, officials demolished the
homes because they were built without proper authorization, albeit on
property owned by Mr. Sanchez and his neighbors.

On July 14, officials evicted Moises Leonardo and Roberto de Jesus
Guerra, two members of the extralegal human rights organization
Corriente Martiana from a fellow dissident’s home on the grounds that
the law prohibits citizens from changing residence without state approval.

The government sometimes punished family members for the activities of
their relatives. On February 23, authorities expelled from school
tenth-grade student Ernesto Luis Roque Veitia, the son of independent
journalists Anna Rosa Veitia and Ernesto Roque. The stated reason for
the expulsion was Roque Veitia’s refusal to participate in a work brigade.

Section 2 Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:

a. Freedom of Speech and Press

The constitution provides for freedom of speech and of the press insofar
as they “conform to the aims of socialist society,” a clause effectively
barring free speech, and in practice the government did not allow
criticism of the revolution or its leaders. Laws against antigovernment
propaganda, graffiti, and disrespect of officials impose penalties
between three months and one year in prison; criticism of the president
or members of the ANPP or Council of State is punishable by three years’
imprisonment. Disseminating “enemy propaganda,” which included
expressing opinions at odds with those of the government, is punishable
by up to 14 years’ imprisonment.

The government considers such materials as the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights, international reports of human rights violations, and
mainstream foreign newspapers and magazines to be enemy propaganda.
Local CDRs inhibited freedom of speech by monitoring and reporting
dissent or criticism.

Police and State Security officials regularly harassed, threatened, and
otherwise abused human rights advocates in public and private to
intimidate them. The government subjected dissenters to “acts of
repudiation.” The government also obliged members of state-controlled
mass organizations, co-workers, or neighbors of victims to stage public
protests against those who dissented from the government’s policies, for
instance, by shouting obscenities and often causing damage to the homes
and property of those targeted. Physical attacks on the victims and
their family members sometimes occurred. Police and State Security
agents often were present but took no action to prevent or end the
attacks. Those who refused to participate in these actions faced
disciplinary action, including loss of employment.

On March 19, four men forced their way into the home of dissident doctor
Darsi Ferrer. They attacked him with a knife, seriously lacerated his
right hand, and beat and threatened to kill him.

On May 8, a progovernment mob confronted and threatened the Ladies in
White, spouses of political prisoners, as they took their weekly stroll
after attending mass at Havana’s Santa Rita church. Plainclothes
government agents were visible at the scene.

On August 6, police arrested Albert Santiago DuBouchet, director of the
independent Havana Press agency. He was subsequently sentenced to one
year in prison for disrespect and resistance, a decision condemned by
the Committee to Protect Journalists.

On September 16, in Santa Clara approximately 60 members of a
progovernment mob struck independent journalist Guillermo Farinas with
clubs after he took part in a protest outside a police station over the
arrest of a dissident. The beating, which began after Farinas refused to
say “Long Live Fidel Castro,” left him badly bruised.

On October 16, a group of approximately 30 persons appeared outside the
Havana home of veteran dissident Roberto de Miranda and during a
four-hour period shouted insults at de Miranda and his wife.

In October and November, in the Villa Clara city of Manicaragua, 21
prodemocracy and human rights activists accused the government of
forbidding them to use public transportation, frequent restaurants, use
public recreation facilities or receive visitors at home. The activists
stated that their photos had been posted outside public establishments
and grocery stores, so that workers would know whom not to serve.

The government reportedly threatened to take custody of children of some
members of the political opposition. On November 7, a State Security
official warned executive-turned-whistleblower Niurka Brito, “If you
continue to have ties with the opposition, you could lose custody of
your children.”

The constitution provides that print and electronic media are
inalienably state property. The government owned and the CP controlled
all media except for a few small, unauthorized church-run publications.
The law bars “clandestine printing” and provides for three to six
months’ imprisonment for failure to identify the author of a publication
or the printing press used to produce the publication. Catholic
church-run publications, denied access to mass printing equipment, were
subject to governmental pressure. Vitral magazine, a publication of the
diocese of Pinar del Rio, continued to publish during the year.

Citizens did not have the right to receive or possess publications from
abroad, although newsstands in hotels for foreigners and certain hard
currency stores sold foreign newspapers and magazines. The government
continued to jam the transmissions of Radio Marti and Television Marti.

All media must operate under CP guidelines and reflect government views.
The government also pressured groups normally outside official controls,
such as visiting and resident international correspondents. Cars used by
foreign journalists have unique license plates, enabling monitoring by
the authorities. Expulsions lessened following the adoption of a
stricter visa policy; the government barred some foreign journalists
from entering the country.

Law 88 prohibits a broad range of activities that purportedly undermine
state security. The law provides for fines and prison terms of 7 to 20
years for each charge for anyone possessing or disseminating
“subversive” literature or supplying information that U.S. authorities
could use to apply U.S. legislation. At year’s end 22 journalists
arrested in 2003 for violating Law 88 remained in prison.

On March 24, journalist Oscar Mario Gonzalez was detained and
interrogated by police. Police told him that he was considered one of
the independent journalists most critical of the regime; the government
continued to deny his request for an exit visa to visit his daughter.

On June 20, cartoonists in the city of Santa Clara were rounded up for
interrogation after a series of antigovernment caricatures appeared in
the city.

The government continued to subject independent journalists to: internal
travel bans; arbitrary and periodic detentions (overnight or longer);
harassment of family and friends; seizures of computers, office, and
photographic equipment; and repeated threats of prolonged imprisonment.
Independent journalists in Havana reported that threatening phone calls
and harassment of family members continued during the year. Ministry of
the Interior agents infiltrated and reported on independent journalists.

Authorities also placed journalists under house arrest to prevent them
from reporting on human rights conferences and events and on court cases
against activists (see section 1.d.). Police prevented independent
journalists from covering “sensitive” events.

Authorities often confiscated journalists’ equipment, especially
photographic and recording equipment, on the grounds that it had been
purchased illegally, despite receipted proof to the contrary. On
November 29, state security officers in Santa Clara executed a search
warrant to seize “counter-revolutionary” materials at the home of
independent journalist Carlos Serpa Maceira. They reportedly confiscated
his books, notes, radio, and two small recorders.

Resident foreign correspondents reported that intense government
pressures, including official and informal complaints about articles,
continued throughout the year. The government controlled resident
foreign journalists by requiring them to obtain an exit permit each time
they wished to leave the country. The government also required foreign
correspondents to hire local staff from government agencies.

The government continued to control tightly distribution of information,
including importation of foreign literature, which largely was
unavailable to the public. The government frequently barred independent
libraries from receiving materials from abroad and seized materials
donated by foreign diplomats. The government prohibits diplomatic
missions from printing or distributing publications, including
newspapers and newspaper clippings, unless such publications exclusively
address conditions in a mission’s home country and prior government
approval is received. Many missions did not accept this requirement and
distributed prohibited materials.

On February 25, State Security agents entered the homes of Maria Elena
Mir Marrero and Reinaldo Cosano Alen, directors of two independent
libraries. The agents confiscated boxes containing books, radios, and
copies of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

The government operated four national television stations, four national
radio stations, one international radio station, one national magazine,
and three national newspapers. Additionally, it operated many local
radio stations, television stations, magazines, and newspapers. All were
official organs of the CP, dedicated to promulgating its propaganda.
Content was nearly uniform across all of these media; none reflected any
degree of editorial independence. The regime tolerated the Catholic
Church’s publication and circulation of two magazines and several other
publications but vigorously persecuted any other independent person or
institution that attempted to distribute written, filmed, or
photographed material. The only books published in the country were
those published by the government, and state censors required
pre-publication approval.

The government controlled all access to the Internet and subjected all
electronic mail to review and censorship. In October Reporters without
Borders noted that the government “does its best to keep its citizens
away from the Internet.” The Internet could be accessed only through
government-approved institutions. Only foreigners were permitted to
purchase Internet access cards from the national telephone monopoly,
leading to a continued increase in clandestine Internet connections.

Direct Internet access was generally available only to certain
government-approved individuals, including some doctors, professors, and
journalists. The authorities continued to restrict the types and numbers
of international Web sites that could be opened by citizens and did not
permit church representatives to have Internet access. In November a
foreign press account reported the government’s acknowledgment that it
blocked access to Web sites it considered to be terrorist, subversive,
or pornographic.

On April 20, Internet access was suspended in Santiago de Cuba in
anticipation of local elections. An employee of the only Internet cafe
in the city reported that the Internet service provider routinely cut
service any time a politically significant event took place.

The government restricted academic freedom and continued to emphasize
the importance of reinforcing revolutionary ideology and discipline.
Academics were prohibited from meeting with some diplomats without prior
government approval. The Ministry of Education required teachers to
evaluate students’ and their parents’ ideological character and to place
such evaluations in school records. These reports directly affected
students’ educational and career prospects. Government policy required
teaching materials for courses such as mathematics or literature to have
ideological content. Ideological indoctrination began with textbooks for
students in the early primary grades. Government-controlled public
libraries denied access to books or information unless the requester
produces a government letter of permission.

Academics whom the government allowed to travel abroad were aware that
their actions, if deemed politically unfavorable, could negatively
impact those back home.

b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association

Although the constitution grants limited rights of assembly and
association, these rights are subject to the requirement that they may
not be “exercised against the existence and objectives of the Socialist

Freedom of Assembly

The law punishes any unauthorized assembly of more than three persons,
including those for private religious services in private homes, by up
to three months in prison and a fine. The authorities selectively
enforced this prohibition and often used it as a pretext to harass and
imprison human rights advocates.

On May 20, the government permitted a meeting in Havana of the Assembly
to Promote Civil Society. Approximately 150 members and observers
attended. However, two European journalists who sought to cover the
event were expelled from the country, and for months afterwards, the
government subjected participants to harassment, arrest, and other
abuses. For example, on July 22, leaders of the Assembly for the
Promotion of Civil Society Martha Beatriz Roque and Rene Gomez Manzano
were among approximately 30 people arrested en route to a demonstration
(see section 1.e.)

The authorities never have approved a public meeting by a human rights
group and often detained activists to prevent them from attending
meetings, demonstrations, or ceremonies. Unapproved meetings and
demonstrations took place, which the government frequently disrupted,
infiltrated, or attempted to prevent. Authorities sometimes used or
incited violence against peaceful demonstrators.

On January 20, government agents assembled more than 500 people in the
streets outside the house of Gerardo Lazcano Naranjo in efforts to
disrupt a peaceful gathering at his home.

On July 13, authorities in Havana mobilized a Rapid Reaction Brigade
against a small group convening at the city’s sea wall for a peaceful
commemoration ceremony. Brigade members verbally attacked and threatened
the peaceful vigil, and police took into custody 30 participants, 7 of
whom remained in custody at year’s end. On August 12, at the instigation
of the authorities, approximately 80 persons filled the streets in front
of the home of Vladimiro Roca, leader of the outlawed political group
Todos Unidos, thus preventing members of the group from attending a
scheduled meeting.

On August 27, dissident doctor Darsi Ferrer organized a meeting of
doctors and public health workers in Havana, which became the object of
an “.” A government-organized mob blocked and jostled
would-be participants and hurled abuse at those inside.

On December 10, 13 pro-democracy activists gathered in Sancti Spiritus
at the home of Irma Gomez Ortiz to mark Human Rights Day. A crowd of 70
people, including CP members, massed out front, shouting insults at
those inside.

Freedom of Association

The law specifically prohibits unrecognized groups, and the government
generally denied citizens the freedom of association. The authorities
never have approved the existence of a human rights group; however, a
number of professional associations operated as nongovernmental
organizations (NGOs) without legal recognition, including the
Association of Independent Teachers, the Association of Independent
Lawyers, the Association of Independent Architects and Engineers, and
several independent journalist organizations. The constitution
proscribes any political organization other than the CP (see section 3).

Recognized churches (see section 2.c.), the Roman Catholic humanitarian
organization Caritas, the Freemason movement, and a number of fraternal
or professional organizations were the only associations permitted to
function outside the control or influence of the state, the CP, and
their mass organizations. The authorities continued to ignore
applications from new groups for legal recognition, thereby subjecting
members to potential charges of illegal association.

c. Freedom of Religion

Although the constitution recognizes the right of citizens to profess
and practice any religious belief within the framework of respect for
the law, the government continued to restrict freedom of religion. The
government requires churches and other religious groups to enroll with
the provincial registry of associations within the Ministry of the
Interior to obtain official recognition. The government did not place
any numerical limits on admissions to Catholic seminaries, and there
were no constraints on ordination. In practice the government appeared
to halt registration of new denominations, although no groups were known
to have applied for registration during the year. The government
tolerated some relatively new religions, such as the Baha’i Faith and a
small congregation of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.
Officials frequently harassed and repressed unregistered religious groups.

The Ministry of Interior engaged in active efforts to control and
monitor religious institutions, particularly through surveillance,
infiltration, and harassment of religious professionals and
practitioners. State Security officials visited priests and pastors
prior to significant religious events to warn that dissidents were
trying to “use the church.” In many churches, most noticeably at Santa
Rita’s, in front of which relatives of political prisoners, the “Ladies
in White,” staged a weekly march for their release, State Security
agents attended Mass for intimidation purposes.

Although it did not favor any one particular religion or church, the
government appeared to be most tolerant of those churches that
maintained close relations to the state through the Cuban Council of
Churches (CCC), which often supported government policies.

The government, with rare exceptions, prohibited the construction of new
churches, forcing many growing congregations to seek permits to meet in
private homes. On February 18 the congregation of a Pentecostal parish
in Havana rejected the government’s order to demolish their church on
the grounds that it was constructed illegally.

The government introduced a regulation to “legalize” thousands of
private homes used for occasional church services; it set forth a number
of requirements, including that the house host no more than three
meetings per week and not be located within 1.2 miles of another such
house. Some Protestants, whose congregations have grown in recent years,
expressed worry that the regulation was aimed at them.

On January 7, Ismari de Armas lost her job at a Pinar del Rio sewing
shop. The administrators of the state-owned shop told her they could not
trust her because she was a Jehovah’s Witness.

Education is secular, and no religious educational institutions are
allowed; however, the Catholic Church, Protestant churches, and Jewish
synagogues were permitted to offer religious education classes to their

Religious literature and materials must be imported through a registered
religious group and may be distributed only to officially recognized
religious groups.

The CCC continued to broadcast a monthly 15-minute radio program on
condition that it not include material of a political nature.

On January 6, priests of the babalawo cult reported that government
officials visited them to pressure them to assimilate with the
government-sanctioned Yoruba Cultural Association (YCA); inquired about
membership roles, including the number of foreigners involved in the
church; and informed the priests that if they sought to leave country
all of their icons would be confiscated, unless they had a YCA
membership card.

Societal Abuses and Discrimination

There were no reports of societal violence, harassment, or
discrimination against members of religious groups. There were between
1,000 and 1,500 members of the Jewish community. There were no reports
of overtly anti-Semitic acts.

For a more detailed discussion, see the 2005 International Religious
Freedom Report

d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign

Travel, Emigration, and Repatriation

The law qualifies these rights, and the government severely restricted
foreign travel and emigration. Although it generally did not restrict
domestic travel, the government limited internal migration to Havana.
State Security officials prohibited some human rights advocates and
independent journalists from traveling outside their home provinces.

Although the law allows all citizens to travel anywhere within the
country, residence is heavily restricted, thus impeding the right to
move. The local housing commission and provincial government authorities
consider requests for change of residence largely on the basis of
housing space. According to the Cuban Commission for Human Rights, the
system is fraught with corruption. During the wait for permission, which
routinely lasts six months or more, the applicant cannot obtain food
rations or a local identification card. Police frequently checked the
identification of persons on the streets, and anyone from another
province living in Havana illegally may be fined and sent home. While
the regulation was in effect nationwide, it was applied most frequently
in Havana. Afro-Cubans from the more impoverished eastern provinces were
disproportionately affected by this regulation.

On July 14, independent journalist Lamasiel Gutierrez Romero was taken
into custody for several hours when she purchased a plane ticket to
travel from her home on the Isla de Juventud to Havana. While in
custody, she was beaten, held without food or water, and threatened with
imprisonment for up to two years.

In September independent journalist Amarilis Cortina Rey was fined for
living “without official permission” in the Havana house her grandfather
purchased in 1924 and for which she was the only heiress. Residency law
was enforced selectively in her case, likely because of Cortina’s work
as an independent journalist. A similar incident occurred in December
when a neighbor of activist Martha Beatriz Roque was evicted, almost
certainly because of her friendship with Roque.

The government imposed restrictions on both emigration and temporary
foreign travel, mainly by requiring an exit permit. Although the
government allowed the majority of persons who qualified for immigrant
or refugee status in other countries to depart, thousands of citizens
who received foreign travel documents were denied exit permits during
the year. Most were doctors, nurses, and other health professionals.
Others denied exit permits included young men of military age and
citizens with certain political or religious beliefs. On December 14,
the “Ladies in White”–relatives of political prisoners–were denied
exit permits to receive the Sakharov Prize awarded to them by the
European Parliament.

The government banned some of the professionals who were denied exit
permits from working in their occupational fields or subjected them to
arbitrary punishment. For instance, Doctor Amarilys Lorenzo Contreras
and her dentist husband, Adalberto Dorrego Torres, were allowed to
continue in their professions but were transferred to inferior
government clinics after they sought exit permits.

Resolution 54 denies exit permits to medical professionals until they
have performed three to five years of service in their profession after
requesting permission to travel abroad. This regulation, which was
normally applied to recent graduates, remained officially unpublished.

The denial of exit permits to men of military age usually covered
individuals age 18 to 27; however, in most cases involving migration
under the 1994 US-Cuba Migration Accords, the applicants eventually
received exemption from obligatory service and were granted exit permits.

The government denied exit permits for several years to relatives of
individuals who migrated illegally (for example, merchant seamen and
sports figures who defected while out of the country). The government
frequently withheld exit visas to control dissidents.

Jorge Olivera, one of the 75 political prisoners summarily convicted in
2003, requested exit permission on January 6 and at year’s end remained
waiting for a response. Juan Carlos Gonzalez Leiva, former political
prisoner and current political activist, reported that eight of his
relatives, including his parents, sister, and her family, have waited
since January for exit permits.

On January 17, authorities revoked the exit permit of Nelida Hernandez
de Llano, a member of the Christian Liberation Movement. She and her
family had qualified for refugee status abroad.

On September 20, police prevented dissident Miguel Sigler, his wife
Josefa Lopez, and their two children from leaving the country as
refugees, despite approved documentation. The family returned to Havana
where they were forced to stay with friends because the government had
already seized their house in Matanzas. On Sepember 27, as Lopez walked
along a Havana street, an assailant beat her, declaring that it was a
warning to her and her husband. On October 5, the Sigler family was
allowed to emigrate.

The government also used both internal and external exile to control
internal opposition. The law permits authorities to bar an individual
from a certain area or to restrict an individual to a certain area for a
period of 1 to 10 years. Under this provision, authorities may exile any
person whose presence in a given location is considered “socially

The government routinely invoked forced exile as a condition for
political prisoner releases and also pressured activists to leave the
country to escape future prosecution.

Migrants must pay processing fees (approximately $180 [4,500 pesos] for
exit permission, $66 [1,650 pesos] for a passport, and $30 [750 pesos]
for an airport tax), that amount to approximately 23 months’ salary for
the average citizen. Migrants to the United States faced an additional
charge of approximately $720 (18 thousand pesos or 5 years’ salary) for
adults and $480 (12 thousand pesos) for children. These fees represented
a significant hardship, particularly for political refugees, many of
whom were fired from their jobs for being “politically unreliable” and
had no income. At year’s end some refugees were unable to leave the
country because of inability to pay exit fees. Authorities routinely
dispossessed refugees and their families of their homes and most of
their belongings before permitting them to leave the country.

The law provides for imprisonment of up to 3 years or a fine of $12 to
$40 (300 to 1,000 pesos) for unauthorized departures by boat or raft.
The Office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) stated that
it regarded imprisonment of more than one year for simple illegal exit
as excessive. Under the terms of the 1994 US-Cuba Migration Accord, the
government agreed not to prosecute or retaliate against migrants
returned from international or US waters, or from the US Naval Base at
Guantanamo, after attempting to emigrate illegally if they had not
committed a separate criminal offense. However, in practice some persons
repatriated under the terms of the Accord reported harassment and

Protection of Refugees

Although the country is not a party to the 1951 UN Convention Relating
to the Status of Refugees and its 1967 protocol, the constitution
provides for the granting of asylum to individuals persecuted for their
ideals or actions involving a number of specified political grounds.
Although the government has no formal mechanism to process asylum for
foreign nationals, in practice it provided protection against
refoulement, the return of persons to a country where they feared

The government had an established system to provide assistance to
refugees. During the year 39 persons applied for refugee status, of whom
10 were approved; according to the UNHCR, there were 708 refugees in the
country. The government cooperated with the UNHCR, and provided
temporary protection to a small number of persons.

Section 3 Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change
their Government

While the constitution provides for direct election of provincial,
municipal, and ANPP members, citizens do not have the right to change
their government, and the government retaliated against those who sought
peaceful political change. The constitution, which proscribes any
political organization other than the CP, defines socialism as its
“irrevocable” basis. Candidates for provincial and national office must
be approved in advance by mass organizations controlled by the
government. In practice a small group of leaders, under the direction of
the president, selected the members of the highest policy-making bodies
of the CP, the Politburo, and the Central Committee.

The government continued to reject the petition for a national
referendum on political and economic reforms known as the Varela
Project, despite more than 40 thousand signatures.

Elections and Political Participation

In 2003 there were national elections in which 609 candidates were
approved to compete for the 609 seats in the National Assembly. The CP
was the only political party allowed to participate in the elections. A
small minority of candidates did not belong formally to the CP but were
chosen through the same government-controlled selection process. The
government saturated the media and used government ministries, CP
entities, and mass organizations to urge voters to cast a “unified vote”
where marking one box automatically selected all candidates on the
ballot form.

During the year there were elections for nearly 15 thousand local
representatives to the municipal assemblies. After the first run-off
election, the government reported that 96.6 percent of the electorate
had voted. While the law allows citizens not to vote, CDRs often
pressured neighborhood residents to cast ballots. According to the Cuban
Commission for Human Rights, the government blacklisted those who did
not vote.

Although not a formal requirement, in practice CP membership was a
prerequisite for high-level official positions and professional advancement.

The government rejected any change to the political system that it
judged incompatible with the revolution and ignored or actively
suppressed calls for democratic reform. After the Christian Liberation
Movement, led by , submitted to the National Assembly two
petitions (known as the Varela Project) proposing a national referendum
on political and economic reforms, the National Assembly in 2003
unanimously passed an amendment making socialism the irrevocable basis
of the constitution.

Varela organizers continued to collect signatures in support of their
proposal; however, activists reported increased harassment by State
Security agents. Authorities arrested and detained Varela activists,
confiscated signatures, fined and threatened activists and signers, and
forced signers to rescind signatures. State Security impersonated
canvassing volunteers and increasingly infiltrated the ranks of
activists. In May and June, Oswaldo Paya reported State Security agents
visited and pressured more than 50 Varela Project signatories to retract
their signatures and denounce the Varela Project activists who had
collected their signatures.

There were 2 women in the 24-member Politburo and 22 in the 150-member
Central Committee. Women held 5 seats in the 390 member-Council of State
and 219 seats in the 609-seat National Assembly.

While the 2002 census recorded that blacks and persons of partial
African descent account for 35 percent of the population, according to
the 2002 census, some observers estimated that Afro-Cubans made up 50
percent or more of the population. Persons of African descent held 6
seats in the 24-member Politburo. Following the selection of the new
ANPP in 2003, the government reported its composition as 67 percent
white, 22 percent black, and 11 percent mixed race.

Government Corruption and Transparency

Independent and official press reported incidents of government
corruption. In October the government acknowledged massive corruption at
state-run gas stations and ordered youth brigades to take over their
operations. Also during the year, the government released statistics
indicating that prosecutors over the past three years had made 16
thousand accusations for economic crimes at state-run companies.

The law provides for public access to government information, but in
practice requests for information routinely were rejected, often on the
grounds that access was not a right. Many convicts and their defense
attorneys never received a copy of the sentence certification to which
they were legally entitled.

Section 4 Governmental Attitude Regarding International and

Nongovernmental Investigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights

In violation of its own statutes, the government did not recognize any
domestic human rights groups or permit them to function legally. Several
human rights organizations continued to function outside the law,
including the Cuban Commission for Human Rights and National
Reconciliation, the Cuban Committee for Human Rights, and the Cuban
Human Rights Party. The government subjected domestic human rights
advocates to intense intimidation and harassment, including threats of
disappearance. For example, on September 17 in Pinar del Rio city, State
Security agents visited the home of human rights activist Virgilio Pita
Rivero and told his wife that if he did not end his activities, they
would “make him disappear.”

State Security officials often infiltrated human rights organizations
and subjected them to constant surveillance. Public identification of
suspected state infiltrators was a crime punishable by 8 to 15 years’

The government took various steps to restrict the operation of domestic
human rights NGOs that advocated or criticized the government’s human
rights policies. Government authorities regularly threatened NGOs with
prosecution under the Penal Code provisions of “dangerousness” (see
section 1.a.) Both the UN Commission on Human Rights (UNCHR) and the
IACHR criticized this tactic for its arbitrariness, the summary nature
of the judicial proceedings employed, the lack of legal safeguards, and
the political considerations behind its application. Private individuals
acting in response to government instigation and coercion often harassed
members of human rights NGOs; crowds assembled at their homes prevented
access, intimidated people, and sometimes caused material damage.

The government rejected international human rights monitoring, did not
recognize the mandate of the UNCHR, and refused to acknowledge requests
by the Personal Representative of the Commissioner on Human Rights, to
visit the country. Meanwhile, the UNCHR renewed the status of the
personal representative.

Section 5 Discrimination, Societal Abuses, and Trafficking in Persons

The constitution prohibits discrimination based on race, gender,
disability, or social status, however, racial discrimination occurred


The law prohibits threats and inflicting injuries, including those
associated with domestic violence. Human rights advocates reported that
violence against women was a problem, and police often did not act on
cases of domestic violence. Violent crime rarely was reported in the
press, and there was no available data regarding the extent of domestic

The law criminalizes rape (though it was unclear whether that included
spousal rape) and stipulates penalties ranging from 4 to 10 years’
imprisonment. If two or more rapists are involved, or if the rapist had
been convicted previously of the same offense, sentences could reach 15
years. If the victim is under 12, or if the act results in injuries or
grave illness, capital punishment is possible. The government enforced
the law.

Prostitution is legal for persons over age 17, but pandering and
economic activities facilitating prostitution, including room rentals,
are illegal. Large numbers of foreign tourists visited the country
specifically to patronize prostitutes, and sex tourism was a problem.
Some street police officers were suspected of providing protection to
individuals engaged in prostitution, who were numerous and visible in
Havana and other major cities.

The law provides penalties for sexual harassment, with potential
sentences of three months to five years’ imprisonment. The rigor of
enforcement and the extent of the problem were unclear. The law was
applied most frequently to male supervisors “abusing their power” with
female subordinates, according to the Cuban Commission for Human Rights.

The law provides that women and men have equal rights and
responsibilities regarding marriage, divorce, raising children,
maintaining the home, and pursuing a career. The law grants working
mothers preferential access to goods and services. The law provides for
equal pay for equal work, and women generally received pay comparable to
men for similar work.


The law provides that all children have equal rights and that parents
have a duty to ensure their protection. Public education was free
through the level. The law requires school attendance until
the ninth grade, which was the highest level achieved by most children.
The government reported that 99.4 percent of primary-school-age children
were enrolled in school during the 2004-05 schoolyear, while UNICEF
recorded that 93.1 percent of secondary-school-age children were
enrolled in the 2003-04 school year. All elementary and secondary school
students received obligatory ideological indoctrination.

Boys and girls had equal access to a national health care system that
covered all citizens. UNICEF reported high vaccination rates for
childhood diseases. Children up to age seven received additional food
rations through the ration card system.

Although seldom covered in the official media, there were occasional
reports of child abuse, but there was no societal pattern of child
abuse. Researchers released the results of a six-year study of child
abuse in the Santiago area, conducted by the Superior Institute of
Medical Sciences, which found that 50 percent of children aged 8 to 10
reported having been punched or kicked following the ingestion of
alcohol by their parents.

Police officers who found children loitering in the streets or begging
from tourists frequently intervened and tried to find the parents. If a
child was found bothering tourists more than once, police frequently
fined the child’s parents. During their summer vacation, students were
pressured to enlist for up to a week of “volunteer labor” at work camps
in rural areas.

Child prostitution was a problem, with young girls engaging in
prostitution to help support themselves and their families (see section
5, Trafficking). Children may marry with the consent of their parents at
age 14, but the law provides for 2 to 5 years’ imprisonment for anyone
who “induces minors under 16 years of age to practice homosexuality or

Trafficking in Persons

The law prohibits all forms of trafficking in persons, and there were no
reports that persons were trafficked to or from the country. Trafficking
for underage prostitution and forced labor occurred within the country

The law criminalizes promoting or organizing the entrance of persons
into, or the exit of persons from, the country for the purpose of
prostitution; violators were subject to 20 to 30 years’ imprisonment.

The Ministries of Justice and Education, the PNR, and local governments
are tasked with different facets of combating trafficking in persons and
the problem of underage prostitution; no entity had complete autonomy
dealing with these problems. The police were tasked with investigating
and arresting traffickers; the Ministry of Justice with prosecuting and
incarcerating traffickers; and the Ministry of Education with
rehabilitating prostitutes, including underage prostitutes. No
information was available concerning government assistance with
international investigations of trafficking or the extradition of

While underage prostitution was widely apparent, there were no reliable
statistics available regarding its extent. Although the police generally
enforced laws on underage prostitution, the phenomenon continued, with
cabarets and discos catering to sex tourists. The government prosecuted
persons involved in child prostitution and child pornography and
assisted other countries in international investigations of child sexual

Trafficking victims came from all over the country, and most worked in
the major cities and tourist resort areas. Anecdotal information
indicated that victims came from poor families; in many cases, families
encouraged victims to enter into prostitution.

There was no information available regarding traffickers and their methods.

There were anecdotal reports of police officers receiving bribes to
allow exploitation of minors for prostitution.

Individuals engaged in prostitution, including possible trafficking
victims and children, often were treated as criminals, detained, and
taken to rehabilitation centers.

No civil society groups in the country assisted trafficking victims in
an official capacity.

Persons with Disabilities

There was no known law prohibiting official discrimination against
persons with disabilities in employment, education, access to health
care, or in the provision of other state services; however, a Labor
Ministry resolution gives persons with disabilities the right to equal
employment opportunities, and to equal pay for equal work. There was no
official discrimination against persons with disabilities. There are no
laws mandating accessibility to buildings for persons with disabilities,
and in practice, buildings and transportation rarely were accessible to
persons with disabilities.

The Special Education Division of the Ministry of Education was
responsible for the education and training of children with
disabilities. The Ministry of Labor and Social Security was in charge of
the Job Program for the Handicapped.

National/Racial/Ethnic Minorities

Although there were many black police officers and army enlisted
personnel, racial discrimination often occurred. Blacks complained of
frequent and disproportionate stops for identity checks.

Other Societal Abuses and Discrimination

Societal discrimination against homosexuals persisted, as police
occasionally conducted sweeps in areas where homosexuals congregated,
particularly along sections of Havana’s waterfront.

The government restricted persons found to be -positive to
sanatoriums for treatment and therapy before conditionally releasing
them into the community. Even after their release, some persons with
HIV/AIDS said the government monitored their movements with a de-facto
chaperone to prevent the spread of the illness. HIV/AIDS sufferers also
asserted that state medical professionals frequently failed to respect
confidentiality, with the result that their condition was known widely
throughout their neighborhoods. Some persons with HIV/AIDS said the
government only offered them jobs incompatible with their medical condition.

Section 6 Worker Rights

a. The Right of Association

The law does not allow workers to form and join unions of their choice.
Rather, the state established official unions and did not permit
competing independent unions. Official labor unions have a mobilization
function and do not act as trade unions, promote worker rights, or
protect the right to strike. Such organizations were under the control
of the state and the CP, which also managed the enterprises for which
the laborers worked. Because all legal unions were government entities,
antiunion discrimination by definition did not exist.

The CP selects the leaders of the sole legal labor confederation, the
Confederation of Cuban Workers (CTC), whose principal responsibility is
to ensure that government production goals are met. Virtually all
workers were required to belong to the CTC, and promotions were
frequently limited to CP members who take part in mandatory marches,
public humiliations of dissidents, and other state-organized activities.

Workers often lost their jobs because of their political beliefs,
including their refusal to join the official union. Several small
independent labor organizations were created, although they functioned
without legal recognition. These organizations also were subject to
infiltration by government agents and were unable to represent workers
effectively or work on their behalf.

On January 11, independent union organizer Juan Antonio Salazar was
arbitrarily detained by police while he was walking down the street.
Police threatened to charge Salazar with “threatening behavior” but
after several hours released him without charges.

b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively

Although provided for in the law, collective bargaining does not exist
in practice. The State Committee for Work and Social Security sets wages
and salaries for the state sector, which is virtually the only employer
in the country. The law does not provide for strikes, and none were
known to have occurred during the year. There are no special laws or
exemptions from regular labor laws in the three export processing zones.

The law denies all workers, except those with special government
permission, the right to contract directly with foreign companies
investing in the country. Although a few firms negotiated exceptions,
the government required foreign investors and diplomatic missions to
contract workers through state employment agencies, which were paid in
foreign currency, but which, in turn, paid workers very low wages in
pesos (see section 6.e.) Workers subcontracted by state employment
agencies must meet certain political qualifications. The state
employment agencies consulted with the CP, the CTC, and the Union of
Communist Youth to ensure that the workers chosen “deserved” to work in
a joint enterprise.

c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor

The law does not prohibit forced or compulsory labor by adults. The
government maintained correctional centers for persons convicted of such
crimes as “dangerousness” (see section 1.a.). Prisoners held in such
centers were forced to work on farms or at sites performing
construction, agricultural, or metal work. The authorities also often
imprisoned persons sent to work sites who refused to work.

On July 5, Ernesto Arocha Carta, a retiree who had been declared
disabled, filed a complaint with the Ministry of Justice protesting his
sentence to one year’s house arrest, which included forced labor.

The law prohibits forced or compulsory labor by children, but there were
reports that such practices occurred (see section 6.d.).

d. Prohibition of Child Labor and Minimum Age for Employment

The law prohibits forced and compulsory labor by children, and the
Ministry of Labor and Social Security was responsible for enforcement.
Nonetheless, the government required children to work in various situations.

Students at rural boarding schools were expected to participate in
several hours of manual labor per day. Secondary school students were
expected to devote up to 15 days of their summer vacation completing a
variety of tasks ranging from farm labor to urban cleanup projects and
were paid a small wage for this labor. Students in post-secondary
institutions (technical schools, university preparatory schools, and
agricultural institutes) were expected to devote 30 to 45 days per year
to primarily agricultural work. Refusal to do agricultural work could
result in expulsion from school.

The legal minimum working age is 17, but the Labor Code permits the
employment of 15- and 16-year-old children to obtain training or to fill
labor shortages. The Labor Code does not permit teenagers to work more
than 7 hours per day or 40 hours per week or on holidays. Children age
13 to 18 cannot work in specified hazardous occupations, such as mining,
or at night.

e. Acceptable Conditions of Work

The minimum wage, which is enforced by the labor ministry, varies by
occupation. On average, the minimum monthly wage approximated $9 (225
pesos). The government supplemented the minimum wage with free
education, subsidized medical care (daily pay is reduced by 40 percent
after the third day of being admitted to a hospital), housing, and some
subsidized food. Even with subsidies, the minimum wage did not provide a
decent standard of living for a worker and family.

The government required foreign companies in joint ventures with state
entities to hire and pay workers through the state (see section 6.b.).
HRW noted that the required reliance on state-controlled employment
agencies left workers without any capacity directly to negotiate wages,
benefits, the basis of promotions, or the length of the workers’ trial
period at the job with the employer. Foreign companies paid the
government as much as $500 to $600 per worker per month; however,
because the government paid salaries in nonconvertible pesos, workers
only received 5 percent of the money foreign companies paid to the
government for their services.

The standard workweek was 44 hours, with shorter workweeks in hazardous
occupations, such as mining. The law provides workers with a weekly
24-hour rest period. These standards were effectively enforced. The law
does not provide for premium pay for overtime or prohibit obligatory
overtime. Workers were occasionally asked to work overtime at their
usual, non-overtime rate; refusal to do so could result in a notation in
the employee’s official work history that could imperil any subsequent
request for vacation time.

Laws providing for workplace environmental and safety controls were
inadequate, and the government lacked effective enforcement mechanisms.
In December the government announced that in the first 11 months of the
year, 90 people died in work-related accidents, compared with 72 for the
same period in 2004. The law provides that a worker who considers his
life in danger because of hazardous conditions has the right to refuse
to work in a position or not to engage in specific activities until such
risks are eliminated; the worker remains obligated to work temporarily
in whatever other position may be assigned him at a salary provided for
under the law.

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